Vol. 1. No 1    December, 2019




Department of Political and Administrative Studies,

University of Port Harcourt


© Copyright 2019

The Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt,

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The Journal of Political and Administrative Studies (JPAS) is the official Journal of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt.  It is a double-blind peer-review Journal, aimed at promoting empirical and theoretical knowledge in the field of political science, public administration, international relations, conflict management, and the related fields in the social sciences. Thus, we welcome original articles that have not previously been published.  Authors are advised to submit   manuscripts of not more than 8000 words in length, including references.  An abstract of not more than 200 words must accompany every article. A short biographical note about the author, and a cover sheet with the title of the article, author’s name, institutional affiliation, email address, and telephone numbers should also accompany the submission.


Articles are processed anonymously. Authors should therefore ensure their names do not appear in the document except in the cover sheet.  The Journal adopts only the American Psychological Association (APA) referencing style (6th or 7th edition). Only authors cited in the text of articles should be listed alphabetically in the section for references. The journal does not accept bibliographical listing. The editorial team will try to check, but data and the general contents in articles are the sole responsibilities of authors.

Examples of our referencing style are provided below:


For non- periodicals (eg. Textbooks)

Allen. F.(2011). Public Policy Analysis: Themes and Issues. Volume One. Port Harcourt. Shapee Publishers.

Nwankwo, A. (1977). Nigeria: My People, My Vision. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers.

For non-periodicals (eg articles in edited books)

Allen, F. & Gilbert, L.D. (2011). Theories, Models and Issues in Public Policy Analysis, in F. Allen (ed) Public Policy Analysis: Themes and Issues. Volume One.. Port Harcourt:

Shapee Publishers.

Rosenau, J. (1992). Governance, Order and Change in World Politics, in J. Rosenau, E. Czempiel (eds), Governance Without Government: Order and Change in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press For periodicals (e.g. articles in academic journal)

Mukonza, R.M. (2014). E-governance: A New Paradigm in Public Administration. Journal of Public Administration, 49(2), pp. 499-511.



Submission of Manuscripts

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Editor-in- Chief:

Dr. Fidelis Allen


Managing Editor:

Dr. Obinna Nwodim


Editorial Board:

Dr. O. S. Amadi

Dr. Timothy Nte

Dr. Mathew Ogali

Dr. Kialee Nyiayaana

Dr. Osaro Obari

Dr. MacAlex Achinulo


Editorial Advisers:

Professor Henry Alapiki                     -           University of Port Harcourt

Professor O.C. Nwaorgu                    -           University of Port Harcourt

Professor Nekabari Ntete Nna J.        -           University of Port Harcourt

Professor Eme Ekekwe                       -           Ignatus Ajuru University, Port Harcourt

Professor Lysias Dodd Gilbert           -           Ignatus Ajuru University, Port Harcourt

Professor Dode Robert                       -           University of Uyo




This maiden edition of the Journal of Political and Administrative Studies (JPAS) contains articles contributed mainly by scholars from the disciplines of political science and public administration. The articles cover areas such as globalization, democracy, legislative issues, public policy, development, political theory, local government, amongst others. In the first article, Joseph Paulinus Ekong and Fidelis Allen examine the participation of citizens in governance and development processes in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria from 1999 to 2019. They focus on the nature and character of the political process and the issues preventing citizens from active participation in the democratic process. The second article written by Nelson Okene and Emmanuel Nwakanma, explains the implications of the activities of the World Trade Organization (WTO) for Africa.  Obinna Nwodim and Innocent Barikor in the third article examine public policy and national integration in Nigeria, whereas Uchechukwu Onyeukwu, in the fourth   addresses mental harmony and patriotism in Nigeria from Plato’s ‘tripartite soul philosophical perspectives. The fifth article was written by Chimaroke Mgba, who examines the role of intellectuals in Nigeria’s development process, focusing on the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). In the sixth paper, Yeitomone Agbedi Frederick examines the oversight functions of members of the National Assembly in Nigeria and the challenges affecting the performance of   their duties.  Related to this issue of governance is the topic of the seventh article, where Itojong Anthony Ayamba, Mercy Chimee Njoku and Umo –Udo Ndifreke S. have addressed the question of E-governance as a paradigm in public administration in Nigeria.   Article number eight was written by Mohammad Abdulahi & Adamu Sa’adu.  They analyze ‘attitudinal restructuring and good governance in contemporary Nigeria and the potential of both as relevant factors for enhancing the development of the country.  Yeitomone Agbedi Frederick and Fidelis Allen, in the ninth article entitled ‘Legislative oversight functions of the National Assembly and good governance’, examine the oversight functions of the legislature and good governance in Nigeria.  Etido Atakpa Ofonmbuk and Paschal O.I. Igboeche wrote the tenth article, on the topic, ‘Political autonomy and restructuring in local government: The path to grassroots development’. The authors look at the question of local government autonomy and grassroots development from the theoretical perspective of incrementalism. Jacob Ogedi and Joshua Akpan Okon in the eleventh article in this edition of the journal, explain the issue of globalization and democracy in Africa, looking critically into how globalization has despite its many good sides affected the socio-economic and political life of countries in Africa. Finally, Augustine Ejiofor Onyishi and Solomon Ogbonna Abugu in the twelfth article examine the African Continental Free Trade Zone Agreement (AFCTZA), focusing on how the effective implementation of the agreement can contribute to unlocking the economic development of member countries in a competitive global market.


Fidelis Allen, PhD

Editor- in- Chief





Notes on Authors


Muhammad Abdullahi is Lecturer at the Department of Political Science, Federal University Gusau, Zamfara State.


Adamu Sa’adu is Lecturer Department of Political Science and International Studies

Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.


Dr. Augustine Ejiofor Onyishi, is Lecturer Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria.


Solomon Ogbonna Abugu, is Lecturer, Department of Industrial Relations and Personnel Management, Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike.


Joseph Paulinus Ekong, is Doctoral Candidate, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt Port Harcourt.


Dr. Fidelis Allen is Associate Professor, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt.


Okene, Nelson V.C. is Lecturer, Department of Political & Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria.


Nwakanma, Emmanuel is Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria.


Dr. Onyeukwu Uchechukwu, is Lecturer, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt.


Chimaroke Mgba, is Lecturer, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria.


Dr. Obinna Nwodim, is Lecturer Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt.

Dr. Innocent Barikor, is Senior Lecturer, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt.


Yeitemone  Frederick  Agbedi, is Doctoral Candidate, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt.


Anthony  Itojong  Ayamba is Lecturer, Department of Public Administration

University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria.


Mercy Chimee Njoku is Lecturer, Department of Public Administration, Ebonyi State University.


Dr. Ndifreke S. Umo-Udo is a Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Uyo, Uyo, Nigeria.

Dr. Jacob Ogedi, is Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Federal University, Otuoke, Bayelsa State.


Joshua Akpan Okon is Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Federal University, Otuoke, Bayelsa State.


Dr. Ofonmbuk Etido Atakpa is Lecturer, Department of Public Administration, Akwa Ibom State University.


Dr. Paschal O. I. Igboeche, is Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Imo State University, Owerri.








Citizens’ participation in governance and development in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria (1999-2019)

Joseph Paulinus Ekong and Fidelis Allen--------------------------------------------------------------- 1


A political economy of globalization: The World Trade Organization (WTO) and Africa

Nelson V.C.  Okene and Emmanuel Nwakanma---------------------------------------------------- 11


Public policy and national integration in Nigeria

Obinna Nwodim and Innocent Barikor---------------------------------------------------------------- 26


The role of intellectuals in Nigeria’s development process: A view from the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU)

Chimaroke Mgba--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 37


Mental harmony and patriotism in Nigeria: A philosophical extension of Plato’s tripartite soul

Uchechukwu Onyeukwu----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 54


Legislative oversight functions of the National Assembly and good governance

Frederick Yeitomone Agbedi----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 64


E-governance as a paradigm in public administration: What dimension can we measure in Nigeria?

Itojong Anthony Ayamba, Mercy Chimee Njoku and Umo –Udo Ndifreke S.------------- 74


Attitudinal restructuring and good governance in contemporary Nigeria

Mohammad Abdulahi and  Adamu Sa’adu----------------------------------------------------------- 86


Oversight functions of the national assembly in Nigeria: Issues and challenges

Frederick  Yeitomone  Agbedi  and Fidelis Allen---------------------------------------------------- 97


Globalization and democracy in Africa

Jacob Ogedi and Joshua Akpan Okon --------------------------------------------------------------- 113


Political autonomy and restructuring in local government: The path to grassroots development

Etido Atakpa Ofonmbuk and Paschal O.I. Igboeche--------------------------------------------- 123


The African Continental Free Trade Zone Agreement (AFCTZA): Economic tsunami or development opportunities in sub-saharan Africa

Augustine Ejiofor Onyishi & Solomon Ogbonna Abugu---------------------------------------- 133









 Joseph Paulinus Ekong and Fidelis Allen




The transition from military to civil rule on May 29, 1999, reawakened the dream of Nigerians for more participation in the political process, especially during elections, which provide   avenues for the recruitment of political leaders in the context of democracy.  This paper reflects on the outcome of this dream in the case of the Niger Delta region, with data obtained from secondary sources.  Specifically, the paper assessed the state of citizens’ participation in governance and development processes, focusing on their role during elections. We argue that twenty years without interruption of civil rule by the military, the Niger Delta is yet to see considerable improvement in the participation of citizens in governance and development processes.The people of the region have not also experienced significant enhancement in their living conditions. The political leadership recruitment process has deterred instead of encouraging more participation of citizens. Election processes have remained characterized by irregularities, low voter turnout, and violence. These issues have had significant impacts on governance processes and their responsiveness to the needs of citizens. To address the problems, the paper calls for the application of technology in elections, review of   current election security architecture, and deregistration of violent members of political parties by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).  



Nigeria, as a whole, faces the problem of increasing low participation of citizens in elections and governance processes.  Yet election periods are important in the life of democracies. In principle, democratic elections provide opportunities for peaceful succession and recruitment of political leaders.   Despite the twenty years of continuous civil rule and succession processes in the post-military era, the quality of democratization, nay the overall electoral process, governance, and development, have remained not only poor, but without the participation of a significant number of citizens.  Meanwhile, central to any prospering democracy and development process, is whether citizens are driving these processes or are actively involved. As Verba & Nie (1972) suggest, citizens’ involvement in public decision-making processes is associated with democracy. Democracy loses its true meaning in situations where the basic principles of peaceful participation of citizens are undermined and denied.  The lack of essential presence of citizens as voters, aspirants to elected office and general lack of citizens’ voice in post-election governance or public-decision-making processes makes democracy less what it ought to be in favour of what it should not be as a governmental system.


It is instructive that one has to note the nature of the political atmosphere in the Niger Delta, whether it has been conducive for the active participation of the majority of the voting population or not. The narratives by observers, citizens, scholars, and political gladiators, consistently have acknowledged the chaotic and violent struggle for power among politicians and their followers.  The impact on voters and the image of the electoral process are issues that touch on the foundation of democracy and development in the region.  It is important to have a good sense of whether democracy is reversing or consolidating in a country that can easily be seen as facing a huge challenge of underdevelopment.  Nigeria depends on oil for the bulk of her foreign exchange and national income, but continues to face the problem of rising unemployment and poverty among the majority of its citizens in the midst of lack of social safety net for citizens and absence of basic social infrastructure.   The net result of all this is growing inequality between the rich and the poor. 


Thus, the lack of opportunities for them to actively participate in the political process speaks to a wider concern about a crisis in the entire political system.   For example, in the 2019 governorship and state parliamentary elections in Rivers State, voter turnout declined from the 64.7% recorded in 2015 to 37.07 %.   For the 2015 elections, there were 2,537,590 registered voters.  On the other hand, there was a total of 1,643,409 accredited voters.  By contrast, there was a total of 3,048,741 registered voters and a total of 1,130,445 accredited voters in the 2019 elections. Similarly, the turnout in Akwa Ibom and Delta States plummeted (Niger Delta Watch, 2019).  These statistics point to the seeming toxic nature of the political process that has characterized the region since 1999.  Elections are more or less a period of warfare in which opponents would do all to ensure they do not lose.  Often, this means the use of violent methods and flouting electoral rules to achieve their goals.  The impact of this type of politics on the voter and governance is what has not been fully understood.


The increasing incidence of violence, before, during and after elections in Nigeria has been attributed to many factors, including greed among politicians who seem to be interested only in the material benefits from political positions than in service.  Thus, a culture of violent competition for political office is taking root, in an atmosphere where aspirants to political offices fear losing to competitors with better arrangements in the use of violent methods in the struggle for power.  This Hobbesian route to power clearly runs contrary to any sense of desire for the improvement of the quality of democracy in Nigeria.


As insinuated early on, the study area is a theatre of contradictions, rich in oil and gas, but mainly underdeveloped. This has been attributed to decades of ineffective political representation, bad governance, demonstrable financial rascality, misappropriation, and mismanagement of oil money. The literature suggests an increasing invisibility of citizens in elections, governance, and development in the Niger Delta, due to rising threat of insecurity. Is there a crisis of citizens’ participation in elections, governance, and development?  The   paper attempts an explanation in response to this question, from the premise that adequate analysis of the situation has not been offered in the context of a need to fully confront the threat of low turnout of voters during elections.  Even more critical is the quality of democratization expected in Nigeria, where resolving a possible crisis of citizens’ participation in elections becomes essential for good governance and development in both the short and long term.  With data obtained from extensive review and content analysis of selected relevant published academic articles in journals, narrative news media, and special reports on elections in the region in question, the study examined the state of citizens’ participation in political and development processes, focusing on their role during elections in the Niger Delta since 1999.








Nelson V.C. Okene and Emmanuel Nwakanma



Issues surrounding the phenomenon of globalization have been noted to extend beyond the need for global interdependence and interconnectedness. The exploitative nature of mechanisms of globalization, multi-methodological approach to scholarly investigations into the subject, global regimes, the place of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the implications of all this for the global south or developing countries have continued to be a source of concern.  This paper examines the political economy of globalization with particular reference to the origins and operations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its impact on the global south. The advantage offered by employing the Marxian political economy as the theoretical framework is that we were able to look at world trade beyond the confines of the World Trade Organization, to include the intricate interactive structures of the global regime system. This paper argues that globalization cannot create an equal system since its foundation is rooted in inequality. It also attempts to debunk claims that globalization, especially, world trade is propelled by a neutral force in the market, but rather suggests a better knowledge of the operations of the global regime institutions is a necessary step towards positive engagement by the global south countries.



Globalization has not only gained currency in contemporary discourse of development, it has also become a catchphrase for describing anything new, from culture to politics, the economy, technology, transportation, communication, among others. It is an amorphous phenomenon whose meaning is almost being lost in translation.  In fact, scholars are hardly agreed on a particular meaning of globalization (Okene, 2009; Sharma, 2012).  The debate on the origins of the concept of this is blurred between those who view it as a resurgence of age-old capitalism and those who insist that it is a completely recent phenomenon traceable to technological advancement in communication (See for example, Alapiki, 2005; Okene, 2009). Unmistakably, there are sweeping and significant changes across the globe which have affected cultures, modes of production, governance systems and international relationships. The implication is, an understanding of the phenomenon of globalization requires systematic engagement with the underpinning ideologies and structures. It also has implications for market relationships between the world’s advanced and developing economies. 


What is globalization? What institutions or structures govern its operations? What is the place of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the governance globalization? What is the implication of all this for Africa, the global south or developing nations? Is globalization a neutral force, propelled, as it were, by the invisible hands of the market?  In addressing these questions, the paper seeks to unpack the complexities surrounding the phenomenon of globalization. In particular, we explore the origins and operations of the World Trade Organization and other associated structures of world trade in other to lay bare the extra-market forces that govern world trade and the disadvantaged position of Africa and the global south countries under this global market system. The goal is to assess the possibilities of suggesting mutually benefiting perspectives to guide policy relationships between countries of the south and Africa in the context of globalizing forces.   Thus, the paper proceeds with a theoretical framework that underpins the discourse, followed by conceptualization of globalization. The origins and operations of the World Trade Organization and related structures of global trade are then discussed in the next section. Finally, is the section that deals with the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its relationship with Africa.






Obinna Nwodim and Innocent Barikor




Development scholars and public policy analysts are concerned about the capacity of governments to engender development in society. For a multi-ethnic society like Nigeria, national integration has been suggested as critical for her development. Yet not much is known about how government policies are promoting national integration. This paper examines selected programmes and policies of successive governments to understand their impact on national integration. It applied propositions of the Pluralists Group Theory (PGT) which suggest that public policy or decisions result from intergroup struggles for power. The paper utilized secondary data to analyze the policy response of government to the yearnings and aspirations of the diverse ethnic groups that comprise the Nigerian state. It observes that the inability of government to achieve national cohesion through policies has continued to foster group discontent.  At the same time, this failure has been a major constraint to national integration.  The paper then recommends, amongst others, that government needs to do a lot more to fulfil its constitutional responsibility of providing adequate security and enhancing the living conditions of citizens to engender national cohesion.



A cohesive and stable political community provides a veritable platform for mutual co-existence and progress in a state. Governments are saddled with the task of ensuring cohesiveness through national integration, especially in highly heterogenous societies. It is the responsibility of government to initiate policies and programmes to ensure such integration. The solution to diversity in the case of Nigeria has long be or linked to deliberate efforts at achieving   national integration.  The country is characterized by ethnic diversity.  Each of the ethnic  groups, numbering  over 400 hundred,  alongside three dominant groups, namely, Igbo, Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba, have imposed a huge  burden of finding the right political solution to keeping the country unified under a situation where each of the groups or a collectivity of the minorities have consistently made demands for  justice on the Nigerian state.   Prior to the advent of colonialism, these ethnic groups, making up the Nigerian federation were distinct entities that existed independently and related with one another as such. They had diverse cultures, traditions, political and administrative systems, and even different aspirations. The political and economic interests of the British colonialists brought about the integration of these distinct kingdoms into one entity called Nigeria. Since the  amalgamation of the Lagos Colony and the Southern Protectorate in  1914, the country has faced  myriad  challenges occasioned by mistrust, identity politics and  struggle  for political and economic advantage by one group over the other. Based on the philosophy of unity in diversity, successive governments have made frantic efforts to allay the fears of the various groups, particularly the minority groups, to forge one strong entity.


However, there have been arguments that successive governments have not done enough to forge integration in the Nigerian state. For instance, Ogbetere (2001) argues that the Nigerian state has failed woefully in the areas of adaptation, goal attainment, integration and legal patterns maintenance. There are three major areas of disagreement among groups existing in the Nigerian state. They are the political framework, revenue sharing and goals of the Nigerian state. It was, apparently, based on this that Nziakah (2001), suggests that the road to true unity lies only in the enthronement of the ‘Golden Rule.”. Perhaps, Nziakah was looking at the virtue of tolerance amongst the different ethnic nationalities to tolerate and accommodate one another. To buttress his assertion, he goes further to quote Akin Akinola’s book Who Rules Nigeria. According to him, Akinola argues that the country’s woes are traceable to an unholy trinity. The unholy trinity according to him manifests in: ethnic domination, religious bigotry and military chauvinism. Evidently, Nigeria continues to be threatened by the storm of socio-political instability, even with desperate measures aimed at stabilizing the ship.


In this paper, we examine such measures and policies with a view to ascertaining how such polices have been able to bring the various distinct groups together to forge a more unified Nigeria. The paper is divided into: introduction, conceptual clarifications, theoretical framework, literature review, discussion and analysis and we end with conclusion.







Chimaroke Mgba




Against the background of the challenge of underdevelopment and other problems facing Nigeria, this paper interrogates the crucial role of intellectuals in the country’s development process. Focusing on the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), the paper argues that ASUU offers an alternative counter-elite interpretation of development as part of its role as a social critic.  The organization   is known for espousing human-centred development and opposing pro-capitalist development models, which Nigeria’s political elite promotes by seeking to integrate the country’s economy into the global capitalist order.   ASUU advocates a “Social Welfare State” as an interventionist state to protect poor and vulnerable Nigerians from the vagaries of pro-capitalist policies of the political elites. The paper underscores the point that ASUU’s contributions to national development need to remain in the country’s national consciousness to move development in the right path. The paper concludes with a clarion call on intellectuals to remain alive to their social responsibility by challenging the status-quo and offering new ideas for national development. Thus, for Nigeria to develop, ASUU must sustain the struggle for human-centred development that prioritize education and a welfare state.



Development is a highly contested concept in the social sciences, especially in the study of politics.  The confusion and multiple methods of approaching the concept has made it more or less vague conceptually.  Politicians, scholars and   development experts use the concept quite frequently in their everyday communication and analyses, yet it is rarely satisfactorily defined or understood. This calls for the clarifying of what development is and what it is not. This also cannot be a simple undertaking, as what development is and is not remain deep-seated in controversy and contestation. This is even worse in a developing country like Nigeria where all programmes and policies of governments are boxed into the development mantra.


The discourse on development in Nigeria and Africa more generally, which some describe as the “African Dilemma” remain central and topical (Dibua, 2006, p. 1). Following Nigeria’s historical experience with European capitalism, the issue of development and how to generate it has remained on the agenda of political elites, whether under military or civilian government.


Within the wider context of Africa, Ake provides an explanation to the place of development which resonates even today:

Development has become such an obsession… In Africa the idea really started coming into vogue after the early 1960s when many African countries had become independent. The colonial governments were not much interested in development and did not talk about it. They were interested in keeping order and maintaining the political and economic conditions for the exploitation of the colony (Ake, 1981, pp. 141-142).

That was the existential reality across Africa and indeed Nigeria at independence. Political elites sought (as do now) to use state power to generate development, adopting different strategies including integrated rural development, import-substitution, nationalization, indigenization, privatization, and deregulation.  Elite opt for pro-capitalist or pro-market policies in their efforts to promote development. The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), a body of intellectuals, especially, has consistently opposed political elites’ pro-capitalist ideology of development and proposed alternative paths to socio-economic advancement.  They have done this not only with a deep sense of patriotism, but also in consonance with their critical role as social critics and engineers. Thus, the pertinent questions this paper poses therefore are: what is development? What are the distinguishing characteristics of intellectuals? What is the role of intellectuals in the development process? What is ASUU’s view on development in Nigeria?








Uchechukwu Onyeukwu




The study examines mental harmony and patriotism in Nigeria. The objective is to show how harmony among the three parts of the soul can engender patriotism in the country. It observes that patriotism is fast evaporating in Nigeria. This can be seen in the failure of the Nigerian state to fulfill its promise of good life to the people largely due to the hedonistic lifestyle of the political class. The result is that the state is unable to fulfill the end for which it was established. In reaction, the people lose faith in the Nigerian project and patriotism is withdrawn. Being a product of the mind, patriotism can manifest from the inner nature of man. The work deploys Plato’s theory of tripartite soul to establish a nexus between mental harmony and patriotism. It adopts the philosophical method of thinking through concepts, weaving thoughts into a comprehensive whole to establish relationships and invoke new propositions to enable the extension of knowledge. Indeed, the three parts of the soul/mind – reason, appetite and spirit – are capable of conflict and cooperation. When the elements of the soul live in peace under the guidance of reason, the condition is mental harmony, which enables humans to live reflectively. A life so lived will result in patriotism, in private and public realms of existence in Nigeria.



Patriotism is a fundamental characteristic of nation-building project. Any country desirous of progress must have a population that is patriotic. As a mental disposition, patriotism can be shown and seen in the selfless acts and deeds of citizens of a country. It has been observed that patriotism is low in Nigeria and that Nigerians are among the world’s most unpatriotic people (see Ben, 2005; Achebe, 1983). The reason for this “is not because Nigerians are particularly evil or wicked; It is, rather, because patriotism, being part of an unwritten social contract between citizens and the state, cannot exist where the state reneges on the agreement” (Achebe, 1983, p. 15).


Nigeria as a state has not kept its commitment to the social contract. The Nigerian state is unable to meet its basic obligations to the people. This is due to the crisis of accumulation which results from an appetitive mindset. When appetite rules, reason takes flight. Indeed, the appropriation of the common wealth by public officials reduces the ability of the Nigerian state to meet the end for which it was established. Professor Sagay captures the situation correctly by saying that political office holders in Nigeria are mentally stunted and have not been liberated from the animal feeding frenzy (Sagay cited in Kalama et al, 2012). Ake (2004) agrees that the ruling class in Nigeria uses political position to grow its economic fortunes leaving the welfare of the people unattended.


In reaction, the people withdraw their trust from the state. Their obedience to extant laws is at best patchy and the level of their patriotism becomes very low (Ekekwe, 2015). And because the state sees itself losing the support of the people, resorts to repression and self-serving campaigns for national unity in an attempt to hang on to power. In most cases, the state acting as though it were an alien force confronts the people and in turn, the people deny it the cooperation it demands from them. The result is that patriotism diminishes by the day in Nigeria.


How then can patriotism be realized in Nigeria? This question has not received adequate answers. Although previous works have highlighted citizenship education (Isaiah & Augustine, 2015), reward for patriotic acts (Omonijo, Oludayo, Eche & Uche, 2015), just governance (Achebe, 1983) as ways of ensuring patriotism in Nigeria, the mental approach has remained largely unexplored. The objective of this study, therefore, is to show how mental harmony can bring about patriotism in Nigeria. The study promises hope for a re-birth of patriotism in Nigeria. This optimism in a Nigeria of patriotic people is rooted in Plato’s theory of tripartite soul.  






Yeitemone  Frederick  Agbedi




The oversight functions of national parliaments occupy a prominent position in contemporary   representative democracies.  They are necessary for the smooth functioning of democracy.  Despite what can be described as recurrent sensational media reports on the activities of national lawmakers in recent times, the literature is scanty and segmented in the case of Nigeria.  Thus, this study explored the challenges militating against the performance of oversight functions of members of the National Assembly in Nigeria between 2007 and 2017.  Relying mainly on content analysis of transcripts of recorded interviews and participant observation, the paper argues that the National Assembly faces several challenges, making it difficult for members to perform their oversight responsibilities fully and effectively.  These challenges include lack of adequate statutory funding and dearth of expertise on the part of legislators and committee clerks.  Therefore, among other recommendations, the paper suggests well-timed release of funds for oversight activities.   In addition, lawmakers and clerks should regularly be exposed to performance skills through training or capacity-building. 



National parliaments are crucial established constituents of contemporary multi-party representative democracies.  Africa has been a major recipient of the wave of democracy that crossed borders decades ago.  The fourth wave, of which many African countries currently claiming to be democracies are linked with, came with national parliaments as significant institutions of governance in the post-military era.   The one-party political system and the military orientation  that characterized  politics  in most of Africa’s post-coloniality had governance deficiencies that only democracies with functional constitutional organs would be expected to replace.   Today, the executive, legislature and the judiciary are organs of government no modern democracy can overlook when it comes to organizing politics in the interest of society.  The role of parliament in democratic politics, which includes lawmaking, has been linked to good governance.  In principle, laws enacted by parliament, are intended  to enhance the living conditions of citizens and to make  society better.  Notwithstanding the reality of the frequent failure of laws and policies to achieve their goals through full implementation, parliaments are believed to be driven by the concerns of citizens when making laws.  


The role of parliaments in the governance of countries, beyond the enactment of good laws, must be seen in terms of whether they are effectively conducting oversight functions.  Lawmakers are by the provisions of the law for oversight responsibilities expected to play a vital good governance role of vetting and scrutinizing the activities of the executive arm of government.  Since the legislative business of parliaments is usually conducted by committees, oversight duties are mainly committee-based.  It means each committee concerned with specific areas of social problems can have the opportunity to explore, in detail, information on that problem and make necessary decisions on what needs to be done by the government in response to the problem. Committees then pay special attention to diligence, efficiency, and proper analysis of information in its oversight duties.  Against this background, this paper examines the challenges of performing legislative oversight by the National Assembly in Nigeria.   The paper is divided into five (5) sections: introduction, literature review, discussion of findings, conclusion, and recommendations.








Anthony Itojong Ayamba, Mercy Chimee Njoku and Ndifreke S. Umo-Udo, PhD




There has been renewed interest in public service delivery and related issues in many developed and developing nations. This revival is occasioned by the dramatic developments in science and technology across the globe and the resultant application of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in public administration. E-governance is a new paradigm in public administration. E-governance has drastically altered traditional service delivery methods and interactions between government and its stakeholders the world over. In Nigeria, information and communication technology (ICT) policy drives e-governance activities. The paper relied, mainly, on secondary sources of data, and explored some dimensions of e-governance in Nigeria. It submits that e-governance should not only be viewed as a technology project but as a transformative use of technology and networks to improve public sector performance and governance.



Public administration, in general, can be regarded as an extension of governance. Administrators have been necessary as long as kings and emperors required pages, clerks, treasurers, messengers and many others to carry out the business of government (Mukonza, 2014). Henry (1975) avers that advisors to rulers and commentators on the workings of government recorded their observations from time to time; and sources as valid as Kautilya’s Arthasatra in ancient India, Aristotle’s Politics, the Bible, and Machiavelli’s The Prince, all depict the long history of public administration. Proof of rudimentary administrative practices can be traced to the early inhabitants of ancient Mesopotamia in the development of irrigation systems as a means to survive (Mumford, 1961, p. 10).


With the growing complexity of modern life, the importance of public administration has been increasing. This is because of the need for intervention by the state in the day-to-day activities of citizens. Hardly can one find any aspect of a citizen’s life which does not come in contact with one government agency or the other. The contact points between the government and citizens have increased tremendously. The importance of public administration has been keeping pace with developments in society. The interest of public administration scholars has also been on the increase.


Public Administration, arguably, has gone through various changes in the course of history as can be seen through six paradigms put forward by Henry (1975) and more recently an E-governance paradigm. Since we are living in the Information Age, it can be argued that the introduction of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has brought transformation to many aspects of governmental activities and operations. The character of government has changed, as well as its ability to relate with various stakeholders in society. Thus, the key question in this paper is: does e-governance represent a new paradigm in the field of public administration? In addressing this questions the aims first, to establish the locus and focus of e-governance within the field of public administration. Second it examines the meaning, evolution and benefits of e-governance. Third, is to explore some dimensions of e-governance in the Nigerian system. The paper begins by briefly discussing the different paradigms in the field of public administration, leading to the central argument advanced in the paper: e-governance as a new paradigm in public administration. Attempt is made at defining e-governance and tracing the evolution of the concept with the aim of providing context to subsequent discussions. Some of the dimensions of e-governance in Nigeria are briefly highlighted. The paper ends with a conclusion based on the evidence provided.









Muhammad Abdullahi and Adamu Sa’adu




In recent years, restructuring and good governance are issues that have become subjects of intense debate among politicians, scholars and public commentators in Nigeria. However, the debate has been lopsided towards political restructuring of political and economic structures or institutions at the expense of the attitude of citizens, which is probably even more fundamental to achieving good governance. The paper, therefore analyzes the imperative of attitudinal restructuring and its potential contribution to good governance and overall political development of Nigeria. It brings to focus the salient elements of good governance to demonstrate the significance of basic change in the attitudes of people as a key factor for political transformation and attainment of good governance within the context of democratic politics. The study adopted qualitative content analysis and relied on descriptive and analytical methods. The behaviouralist theoretical framework was applied with a focus on civic culture, which proposes a democratic model of citizens’ participation in governance.  The paper then argues that basic attitudinal change and value re-orientation remain the most critical factors in the process of creating an appropriate political climate and behaviours necessary for purposeful and effective governance in contemporary Nigeria. Thus, the paper advocates, among others, the evolution of responsible citizenship and popular participation as key factors for entrenching democratic good governance.



This paper is intended to serve as modest contribution to the existing discourse on the issues of restructuring and good governance in Nigeria. These concepts have become common in both political and academic circles. As Okezie Ikpeazu succinctly observed, overtime the clamour has been made for restructuring of Nigeria’s federal system in response to the cries of marginalization by various segments of the country. It is equally because that the federation as currently constituted, impedes optimal development and realization of people’s aspirations (The Cable, June, 2018).


However, more recently, the issues have become a subject of intense debate among politicians, scholars, analysts and public commentators in national political discourse (Obi in Anifowose and Enemuo; 1999). Throughout human history, power relations, political structures, processes and culture and social processes and norms have had to change either in response to internal dynamics or external ones, or a combination of both.


Perhaps, what is interesting is that, the direction of the restructuring debate in contemporary Nigeria, is lopsided, towards yet another political restructuring with emphasis more on the political structures or institutions at the expense of necessary citizenship values, orientation and behaviours which are even more fundamental to democratic governance.


Admittedly, since independence, the country has experienced series of political restructuring initiatives by successive governments, under both military and civilian administrations, ranging from creation of states, local government reforms, complete change in the political system from parliamentary to presidential system to revenue mobilization and allocation restructuring and other forms of adjustments.  However, the fact that all these initiatives to date have not adequately addressed Nigeria’s problems is a clear evidence that the issues may not necessarily be structural or institutional, but multi-faceted, including those that are procedural and attitudinal, which largely revolve around the issue of good governance.  To this end, Edwin and Joy (2015) see reluctance of Nigerian citizens to develop right attitudes toward doing things as one of the greatest threats affecting the country’s ability and efforts to rapidly transform critical areas of her society along socio-political and economic lines.


Recognizing the above challenges, the paper attempts to investigate the place and value of attitudinal restructuring and its potential contribution to good governance and overall political development in contemporary Nigeria. The study adopts a qualitative and the descriptive design and applied content analysis of library materials within the theoretical framework of behaviouralism.   The emphasis with behaviouralism is the development of a civic culture of citizenship which proposes a democratic model of participation in political systems.    The paper then argues that basic attitudinal re-orientation remains the most critical factor in the process of creating an appropriate political climate and behaviours necessary for instituting purposeful and effective governance. For the purpose of analysis, the work is divided into parts. First, is preliminary notes on attitudinal restructuring and good governance, and the theoretical framework of analysis. The second section is overview of politics and governance in Nigeria. The third segment focuses on analytical discussion and the imperative of attitudinal restructuring for good governance.  The next section provides details of advocacy for responsible citizenship and popular participation as the way forward. The final section is the conclusion.









Yeitemone Frederick Agbedi and Fidelis Allen




This paper assessed the impact of legislative oversight responsibilities of the National Assembly on good governance in Nigeria.  The analysis was guided by an assumption derived from the   Structural-Functional theoretical framework, that the legislature was established by law as a structure of government to perform specific functions.  It adopted a descriptive research design and relied on data obtained from interviews, participant observation and secondary sources.  The paper argued that the National Assembly performed oversight duties within the period under investigation, but both citizens’ participation in the process and its   good governance effects were incredibly low.  The lack of transparency, accountability, and the risk of compromise by legislators are critical issues.  The legislature performed oversight duties, but the efforts did not generate a sense of impact on good governance among citizens.  Thus, the paper recommends, among others, that the legislature should make the processes of oversight functions public to accommodate the interest and participation of citizens.  Besides, the transparency and accountability profile of legislative oversight processes should be enhanced in the interest of good governance.



Good governance is about delivery of services and provision of social infrastructure by government for the wellbeing of citizens.  At once, it is about whether the relationship between governmental institutions and citizens is mutually supportive in the delivery of public goods.  Democratic principles underlie good governance, especially in contemporary democracies, where citizens are expected to be actively involved in public decision-making processes.  In reality, and for Africa in particular, commitment of government to governance processes characterized by active participation of citizens has been problematic.  Countries in the African continent face several challenges with democratic governance. 


In the case of Nigeria, the match to multi-party democracy in 1999, after many years of intermittent military intervention in politics and governance, has given the country an opportunity to experience difficulties associated with operating a democracy where government institutions such as the executive and the legislature are expected to run in the interest of society, through good governance.   In course of practicing multi-party democracy, citizens at various times have been in the streets making demands on government on issues that matter for their wellbeing, such policies or programmes yet to be fully implemented or failing to address social problems.  A segment of the political discourse on good governance, points to the need for more citizens’ creative involvement in ensuring that the government performs its duties through accountable and transparent processes. 


Accountability issues litter analyses of the work of agencies with responsibilities to citizens.  Allegations of insensitivity to the needs of society and sometimes out rightly accusations of not doing enough to solve society’s problems are rife.  The question of inclusiveness in public   decision-making processes has been well-noted.  As Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2013, p. 23) argues, inclusive decision-making “is the most outstanding dividend of democracy and one of the indicators of good governance in any given society”.  Inclusiveness, accountability, and transparency, are necessary for   ensuring benefits of governance reach citizens in democracies.


Lawmaking and oversight functions, which make governance responsive  to the needs of society and  boost good governance,  are  important roles expected of the legislature.  The legislature, according to Kreml (1985, p. 151) exists in virtually every modern political system and sub-state with common functions.   The significance of the legislature continues to inform roles governments and society expect and depend on  from  oversight duties.  Many believe these are crucial for effective governance in democracies.  Thus, Dan-Azumi (2017, p. 23) describes the legislature as “a binding force that transforms the politics and governance of the state into a scenario that maximally addresses the yearnings and aspirations of the downtrodden”.  It is where the public sees the quality display of democracy through debates, motions and resolutions and  the passage of bills into laws.   How best the citizens are seriously protected and catered for, is a function of laws enacted in the society.   Good governance is a function of effective performance of these responsibilities.  In other words, the good of citizens should be the focus of governance (Anifowose, 1999, p. 179).


This study assess the impact of legislative oversight of  Nigeria’s National Assembly on good governance, between 2007 and 2017.  The paper is divided into six (6) sections:– Introduction, theoretical framework, oversight, good governance, legislative oversight and good governance, conclusion, and recommendations. 






Jacob Ogedi and  Joshua Akpan Okon




Globalization, in its older and new forms, is a tendency that has brought the whole world together in a web of inter-relationship. This is because the activities it promotes allow countries, societies, international institutions, non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations to be linked and networked together towards achieving their objectives. Therefore, this paper examines globalization and democracy in Africa.  It paper adopted the Dependency Theory as theoretical framework.  The research design is historical and descriptive. Data was obtained through secondary sources and analyzed via content analysis.  Guided by the theoretical framework and methodology of the research, the study found that globalization is undemocratic because it creates unequal relationships amongst countries. Therefore it cannot enhance development in the developing countries of Africa.  Available data indicate that the brand of democracy (liberal democracy) globalization promotes, contradicts the African historical specificities and so, cannot foster self-reliance in Africa.  It concludes that the democratic condition of contemporary globalization is irrelevant to African development. Therefore, the study recommends that African countries should strive towards ensuring access and equity for local enterprises to compete in the local, as well as in the global economy.  They should also develop social programmes to reduce poverty and malnutrition in order to compensate those to be dislocated through restructuring.



The contemporary world’s economic order revolves around the concept of globalization.  Globalization is a phenomenon that connects the world in a web of inter-relationship. Through this inter-relationship, countries are becoming generally affected by economic, cultural, political, environmental factors that are beyond their shores.  This is because the web of activities which it promotes and allows states, societies, international institutions, NGOs, multinational corporations to be linked and network together towards achieving their objectives. However, the impact of globalization differs in degree and scope from one society to another. One of such impacts is on democracy. 


The main thrust of this paper therefore, is to examine the interface between globalization and democracy in Africa, so as to determine its impact on development in the continent.  The paper is divided into six sections. The first section is the introduction.  The second section deals with the conceptual analysis of the three key words – globalization, democracy and development. The third looks at the theoretical framework, while the fourth examines globalization and democracy in Africa. The fifth section interrogates the impact of the interface between globalization and democracy on African development. In the final section we draw conclusion and make recommendations.






 Ofonmbuk Etido Atakpa and Paschal O. I. Igboeche




For some time now, restructuring has become the buzzword in the Nigerian socio-political and economic space. It is also instructive that the issues are diverse, including marginalization, inadequate autonomy and lack of fiscal federalism, adducing these as planks for agitating for restructuring. This article posits that instead of the cacophony of demands for divergent versions of restructuring, especially where it is obvious that policy-makers are insincere in carrying out such reforms, the restructuring agenda could be delivered in small doses beginning from the grassroots where autonomy should be granted to local governments in order to guarantee effective delivery of services to the grassroots populace. This is against the backdrop of excessive control of local governments by state governors and their state houses of assembly, a situation which has gravely undermined the capacity of the third tier to deliver on their objectives. The descriptive/qualitative procedure was adopted as methodology of research, while the Incremental Model of Public Policy was utilized as theoretical framework. The article, therefore, concludes that autonomy to local governments in Nigeria is the bedrock for restructuring capable of distributing tangible developmental benefits to the majority of Nigerians. Among others, it recommends that state governors and their houses of assembly should prove themselves as true apostles of restructuring by supporting local government autonomy in the ongoing review of the Nigerian constitution. 



The local government system in Nigeria was conceptualized along the lines of universal justifications on the indispensability of the third tier as a veritable purveyor of decentralized governance principles, for bringing development to those who are presumed to be far from the direct purview of central governments; without which governance deliverables (for lack of geo-political contiguity) would either take longer periods or may never reach them in the nearest foreseeable future or time. Unfortunately, local government councils are also the worst victims of extensive manipulation and control at the whims of state governors and rubber-stamp houses of assembly, a situation that gravely undermines the capacity of the third tier of government to deliver on its objectives.


Ironically, state governments are also at the forefront of the hues and cries over inadequate autonomy, marginalization of their areas of control and lack of fiscal federalism, adducing them as planks of arguments and agitations for restructuring, whereas, by their style of management, they (state governors and their respective houses of assembly), have not held sincerely to the tenets of true federalist principles. The objective of the paper is to demonstrate how and why local government autonomy could engender development at the grassroots, whose comprehensive effects could dovetail into the development of the entire country. The article posits that instead of the cacophony of demands for divergent versions of restructuring, which would demand wholesale review of the 1999 Constitution, especially where it is obvious that policy-makers are  insincere in carrying out such reforms for selfish reasons, the restructuring agenda could be delivered in incremental doses from the grassroots, where autonomy should be granted local governments in order to guarantee effective delivery of governmental services to majority of Nigerians.








Augustine Ejiofor Onyishi, PhD and Solomon Ogbonna Abugu




The fear about the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Zone agreement is that it may lead to fiscal revenue losses and budget pressures on member states.  People also worry about the risk of annihilation of small and medium scale enterprises (SMEs).   Hence, this article explains the expected and actual impact of the trade agreement on Africa.  The article attempts to explain whether   the implementation of the trade initiative is likely to enhance development opportunities in Sub-Saharan Africa. Relying on empirical data generated from secondary sources and qualitative approach to data collection and analysis, as well as the complex interdependent theoretical and analytical framework, the study found that the implementation of the trade initiative is likely to enhance development in Sub-Sahara Africa, in the short and long term. The paper, then, recommends that governments of member states should commit themselves to effective implementation of the agreement, to ensure maximum benefits and by implication ensure the initiative becomes a catalyst for sustainable economic development in the region.



Social, political and economic development through trade integration has been of concern to African leaders for decades since attainment of formal political independence, even before the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).  This body turned out to be the first regional organization in the African continent in 1963.   Apparently, the OAU played a significant role in enhancing intra-African integration and cooperation. It facilitated the formation of a number of regional economic communities, formed primarily to pursue economic cooperation and development.  For example, in 1980, the OAU accepted the Lagos Plan of Action for the economic development of Africa (1980-2000).  The plan was about the articulation of a regional development strategy for Africa and Africans.  Critical in this plan was integration and the formation of a common market for Africa.


Although most of the development initiatives created as a result of this plan faltered due to poor implementation, the   setback did not discourage African leaders.  Instead, these leaders have   continued to search for lasting solutions to their socio-economic problems, as seen in the   Abuja Treaty. With hope of revitalizing and launching a continental integration project in Africa, the Abuja Treaty which produced the African Economic Community was adopted by the   OAU summit in June 1991 (UNCTAD, 2016). The Treaty provides for the establishment of a continental free trade zone in Africa as a means to the actualization of the desired African economic community. The implementation of this development initiative found expression in 1992 with the formation of the African Union (AU) which replaced the OAU. Since this transformation, continental integration has been   a top priority.  The Third Article in the AU’s Constitutive Act, affirms that the third objective of the organization is to accelerate political and socio-economic integration of the continent, a communal agenda for inclusive development and sustainable growth for Africa to be achieved in the foreseeable future (AU, 2018). AU leaders at its transformation sought to achieve economic and political integration that supports the idea of a United States of Africa (AUC, 2010).


They understood that the accomplishment of such a gigantic project was not going to be easy.  The issue is about how to accelerate the process of implementation and elimination of the impediments that are bound to emanate.   It also depends on whether the challenges are being handled meticulously.   Consequently, African heads of state and government in 2012 at the AU Summit approved and accepted a decision (Assembly/AU/Dec.394 (XVIII)) concerning the formation of a Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) for Africa in 2017 and also approved an Action Plan on Improving Intra-Africa Trade (IIAT). This action plan recognizes seven areas of cooperation in the development blueprint, which are: trade facilitation, trade policy, trade related infrastructure, trade information, productive capacity, factor market integration and trade finance (Ismail, 2016). This decision, adopted in the 2012 AU Summit, was given substance and strengthened in South Africa, at the twenty-fifth summit of the African Union in 2015, where the leaders, after a lengthy debate resolved to commence consultations on the creation of a Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) in Africa by 2017.


However, for one reason or the other the economic initiative did not takeoff in 2017 as expected.  Instead it happened between 17th and 21st  March, 2018, with   44 African leaders. The Free Trade Area, considered the largest single trade agreement in history, since the creation of the WTO (World Trade Organization) by the Marrakesh accord was signed on April 15th 1994 by leaders from  123 countries. However, this all-important summit in Kigali, Rwanda did not record the presence of the two largest economies in the continent, namely: Nigeria and South-Africa.  In the same vein, Lesotho, Guinea Bissau, Botswana, Zambia, Namibia, Eritrea, Sierra Leone, Burundi, as well as Benin Republic were absent in the summit for one reason or the other. In any case, since signing the trade agreement later in 2019, the document now has the support of about 99.9% of the AU member states. This treaty became effective on 30th May, 2019.


The execution of the trade agreement would mean addressing some of the non-tariff barriers that have constrained trade relations among AU member states, as well as elimination of tariff restrictions on intra-African trade so as to make it easier to establish industrial production in different parts of the African continent (Kaberuka, 2018; Ali, 2018). It is also expected that to increase industrial production in Africa there must be considerable rise in intra-African trade, especially in agricultural products. Agriculture itself is expected to influence progress in real wages and employment (UN Office of Human Rights Commissioner, 2015). Scholars contend that the trade agreement will rationalize trade between the different regional economic communities and at the same time boost   trade between Africa and the rest of the world (Quiles, 2016, Peters and Knebel, 2018; Apiko and Aggad, 2018). It has been argued that free trade within and between Africans will metamorphose into increased trade innovation, competition, and prosperity for Africans in the long run (Gobena, 2016).


Nevertheless, a major concern  about the AfCFTA agreement is the  tariff reductions or the elimination of non-tariff  barriers that scholars argue have constrained trade relations among AU member states.  Also is the issue of  elimination of tariff restrictions on intra-African trade  which scholars fear may lead to fiscal revenue losses and budget pressures among member states.  There are additional concerns about the total annihilation of small and medium scale enterprises (SMEs) or industries within the member states as the protectionist policy that usually protect them will be gone with the trade agreement. This study attempts to assess the economic potentials of the AfCFTZ with a view to understanding whether it can provide economic opportunities in the concerned region or  become  another moribund economic blueprint.

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